The history of Chile (1964 -1981)

1 percent of the sum total vote. His was a compact g overnment, an assemblage of slightly-left, moderate and rightist parties. Frei's trend was clandestinely funded by the U. S. Central Intelligence Agency to the tune of bifurcate the amount per voter that the Lyndon Johnson and Barry Goldwater campaigns together had spent in the States that similar year.

Six years later, after Frei had instituted a number of land, valuate and nationalization reforms considered also radical by the Right and too little by the Left, the Christian Democrats lost the rightist members of their coalition - allowing Salvador Allende of the Popular Unity party, a coalition of the Socialist, Communist and theme (moderate) parties, to come in first in the 1970 chairpersonial elections. It was a narrow margin of victory, only 36.3 percent versus 34.9 percent over his closest competitor, a former president heading a rightist coalition. According to the Chilean constitution, in the absence of a clear popular majority, Chile's congress had the right to select the president from the top contenders; in response to a botched CIA set out to kidnap the Chilean army's chief-of-staff (staged to look like a left-of-center plot - the man was inadvertently killed instead), all factions of the Chilean semipolitical spectrum voted overwhelmingly to confirm Allende as president. Thus, on such a shaky, emotion-driven mandate did Allende - openly adm

It was a position demolished on September 11, 1973. After cardinal years of domestic turmoil during which both the Left (inspired by Soviet interests) and Right (funded by the U.S.) became increasingly radicalized, a array coup led by Allende's own commander of the army, superior general Augusto Pinochet, seized control of the government, killing the country's elected president in the process. deep down days Chile's congress was virtually suspended as an industrious part of government, replaced by an "authoritarian democracy" ruling by decree. Within the year the Pinochet-let junta had created an "army of the shadows": the DINA, or board of directors of National Intelligence.

Thousands were executed, triple that amount arrested and held indefinitely; a " enculturation of fear" was created, encouraged, by the new regime. Simultaneously, Pinochet unleashed his "Chicago Boys" - economists trained in the monetarist philosophy of the University of Chicago's Milton Freidman - giving the eager young technocrats his open-ended approving to dismantle "Marxist statism" and recreate Chile as a "free enterprise model." By 1981 the president of the United States, Ronald Reagan, was pointing to Chile's parsimony as a neo-conservative example to be emulated.

iring Fidel Castro, embracing a far more extensive approach to reform than Frei - plump the first democratically-elected pro-Marxist head of state, not only in Chile, precisely in the world.

Throughout all of the above periods, moreover, the actions and opinions of the typical Chilean were always guided by fiscal self-interest - as opposed to national interest. "Does this reform help the overall economic system?" was rarely a question asked in political debate. Hence, a leftist politician could encourage his supporters to strike for higher requital without the slightest hesitation; stopping the spiraling hyper-inflation was not a charge of his power bloc. By the same token, rightist politicians, tied to landowning interests, did not care that 70% of the arab
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