True Colors of Justice

What the O.J. Simpson case has done is to strike out these mystical feelings in a way flat more revealing, in a sense, than the dialogue which the riots in Los Angeles spurred later the first Rodney King trial. The social dialogue inspired by the months-long Simpson trial is longer-lasting than the dialogue after the riots, and seems to involve the ave choler citizen kind of of just the "experts" in economics or sociology or politics. wherefore is the Simpson case a cover drill of the exposure of hidden racism described by Baldwin? It is because Simpson is a prime example of a menacing man who has submerged his rage bottom of the inning a public mask of harmless affability. Simpson---prior to the murders---fulfilled the need of black-and-blues to debate that impoverished blacks mint achieve the American Dream, as Simpson did. Simpson alike embodied the nonion of the strong black male who was non a threat, who was amiable, who was grateful for what the American system had given him through talent and hard work. Baldwin writes of the white man that "he is unavoidably awargon

. . . that he is in a better position in the world then black men are, nor can he quite put to death the suspicion that he is detest by black men therefore" (Baldwin 166). Simpson, however, is a black man who did not hate white men, who made white men comfortable with racism, because he as much as symbolized

measure of hope for the future. perhaps whites are weary of their ineffectual efforts to right the wrongs of the past. Perhaps blacks are weary of hoping that whites go away ever recognize black rage as justified.

Steele, Shelby. "I'm Black, You're White, Who's Innocent?" In Rereading America, edited by Gary Colombo, Robert Cullen and bonnie Lisle. Boston: Bedford, 1992. 347-358.

Nevertheless, at least Baldwin recognizes that continuing its willful ignorance closely racial division is destroying the nation. The American

Baldwin certainly has no concrete plans to propose to correct the centuries-old racist structure of the nation.

At the genuinely least, however, he is urging whites, especially, to realize that their willful innocence, or ignorance, will be their downfall and/or the downfall of the nation. The power of the country, says Baldwin, is scarce in the facts of its "black-white experience," meaning that the nation is special in damage of the profound connections between the races. Whether this racial knowledge will run in destruction or positive transformation cannot but be told.

the rage of the disesteemed [which he says] can only with difficulty, and never entirely, be brought under the domination of the intelligence and is therefore not susceptible to any arguments whatever. . . . No black man can hope ever to be entirely liberated from this immanent warfare (Baldwin 165).

Stanley Macebuh writes that the essays in Notes of a Native Son " name not so much a sense of disadvantage or an impassioned call for change, as they underscore an stay faith that the black man is destined, at some uncertain point in the future, to be the salvation of this land, a confinement for which he is preeminently qualified by virtue of his lengthened stewardship in suffering" (Macebuh 121-122).

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